HISTORY OF ISE-EKITI, AND 120 YEARS OF MAGIC LATERN

HISTORY OF ISE-EKITI, AND 120 YEARS OF MAGIC LATERN

By: Comr. Olamide Akinwumi, 09068215955

Ise Ekiti (Yoruba: Ìṣẹ̀-Èkìtì, also Ise), is a city in Ekiti State, Nigeria, It is the traditional home of Akinluaduse, also known as Akinluse by the inhabitants of the city. Akinluse was a great warrior in the ancient Oyo empire. Ise - Ekiti is the headquarters of  the Ise/Orun Local Government Area, along with Orun. Its geographic coordinates are 7°27′36″N 5°25′12″ECoordinates: 7°27′36″N 5°25′12″E. As of 2006, the Arinjale, or king, of Ise-Ekiti is Oba Ayodele Ajayi. As of 2007 Ise Ekiti had an estimated population of 204,022.

History of Ise Ekiti and their Traditions of OriginIse Ekiti in Ekiti State is the headquarters of Ise/Orun Local Government area is situated approximately between geographic latitudes 07o25 and 07o30N with a population of about 204, 022 as at 2007. The town is bounded on the north by Ado Ekiti and Gboyin Local Government Areas, on the East by Emure Ekiti Local Government Area, on the south by Owo Local Government Area and on the west by Akure-North and Ikere Ekiti Local Government Areas. Ise-ekiti, is located in the rain forest zone of south-western Nigeria where the rains are steady and spread almost evenly throughout the wet season (April – October). The area supports rain-fed agriculture and the crops grown are yam, maize, rice, cassava, cocoyam, plantain and banana. Ise was one of the original sixteen kingdoms of Ekitiland. This preeminence of the town in Ekiti and indeed in Yorubaland conferred on the Arinjale, even before the advent of colonial administration in Nigeria, the inherent right to wear the beaded crown, which still remains the symbol of authority and a veritable indicator of the importance of a traditional ruler in Yorubaland. Oral history, no matter the source has it that the original founders of Ise Ekiti came from Okeluse, a town in Owo Local Government Area of Ondo State. The question is how they arrive at Okeluse when according to one of their traditions of origin, the Ise people migrated from Ile – Ife. It is believed that a certain Olofin, a descendant of Oduduwa from Ile – Ife had three male children and that the Arinjale of Ise Ekiti was the youngest while his brothers where the Oba of Benin and the Awujale of Ijebu Ode. Arinjale was said to have accompanied Awujale to Ijebu Ode while the Oba of Benin set off in a different direction. There arose some communal dispute about title of Awujale which ultimately led to the exit of Arinjale from Ijebu Ode. As was the practice in those days, Arinjale left Ijebu Ode with many followers and settled at a place called Olokuta near Akure where they encountered considerable difficulties as a result of some natural disasters such as thunderstorm etc. The exit of Olofin’s children from Ile – Ife agrees with the account of Chief Omotosho Eluyemi who stated that after the death of Oduduwa, his children started to quarrel over his property. This was followed by a very serious misunderstanding as a result of which the different warring camps agreed at Itajero conference that they should all leave Ile – Ife except the Ooni. Another version of their oral tradition connects the Ise people to the royals of Benin Kingdom. It is said that the Oba of Benin had two sons Osunleke and Gbaderin who were born on the same day but by different mothers. In conformity with tradition, the mother of Osunleke who was the younger wife was the first to draw the attention of the Oba to her giving birth to a bouncing baby boy. She took the baby to the palace for royal blessings and the Oba named the child the successor to the throne. It was after this that the mother of Gbaderin took him to the palace. The Oba blessed the baby as usual but it was clear that he could not ascend the throne in succession to the Oba. Gbaderin was an ardent hunter who usually goes on hunting expedition for two months at a time. He was away on one of such expeditions when his father died and his younger brother Osunleke was enthroned in line with the will of their father. Displeased with the enthronement of his brother as the Oba of Benin, Gbaderin left the town as usual with some numbers of supporters especially hunters like himself and on getting to Okeluse, he settled at the outskirts of the town due to the invitation of the Oba of Okeluse. News of his stay in Okeluse reached Osunleke his brother the Oba of Benin who dispatched emissaries to inform the Oba to drive out his brother and his entourage since Okeluse was a tributary to Benin. Gbaderin believed that there was no point causing untold hardship to the people of Okeluse, so he and most of his entourage left to a place he had once discovered during a hunting expedition which was called Use; a word that has over the years been adulterated or yorubanised into Ise. In conclusion, both version of Emure tradition of origin laid claims to Ile – Ife as the point of dispersion. It also states that a prince Fagbamila whose mother was Obele was the founder of the kingdom at Igbo Owa. Thus, it is safe to adjourn that the Emure people migrated to their present destination from Ile Ife. In respect to Ise Ekiti, the first oral tradition laid claim to Ile – Ife while the second one states that the founder of Ise Ekiti was one of the sons of the Oba of Benin which according to history was a kingdom founded by a prince from Ife. So we can assume that the claim of Ise people to Ile – Ife is legitimate

Ise-Ekiti is divided into three quarters namely; Oraye, Odo-Ise and Erinwa respectively.

120 YEARS OF MAGIC LATERN

The people of Ise-Ekiti, were stunned on Wednesday, November 30, 1898, when a ‘magic lantern’ was put on exhibition in the town. The villagers, in the present day Ekiti State, could not believe their eyes as they watched the display of the magic lantern.

Some adherents propagating Christianity, who had their tutelage in Lagos, brought the lantern to the town. It was a journey, which took several days through mosquito-ridden forests and the Ogbese River.

It was very hazardous to cross the Ogbese River in those years, which meandered through thick forests and rocks when there was no bridge on it. In fact, some students going to higher classes were carried across the Ogbese River in those days.

In the diary of Bishop Philips, he recorded that through the exhibition of the magic lantern that year, they were able to realize the sum of two pounds and 16 shillings. What the people referred to as magic lantern, was actually a movie projector, which had never been seen in the town in those years.

However, it was recorded in the diary that the money realized from those who came to watch the magic lantern was used to buy a church bell.

The town, Ise-Ekiti, has a rich history. It’s a land of culture, education and Christianity. The rich history, cultural evolution, emergence of Christianity and educational advancement was brought to bear recently when St. Mark’s Anglican Church celebrated 120 years of Christianity in the town.

 It was the day the town came alive and recognized its illustrious sons and daughters, (those who had passed on), their children, and their offspring’s and several others, including government functionaries, who were pioneers of modern development in the town. The event also revealed why Ise-Ekiti and some Ekiti towns are reservoirs of knowledge that produce professors and educationists in the country.

Coincidentally, Oba Aweloye, the great grandfather of the present monarch, Oba David Adetunji Ajayi Aweloye II, was on the throne in 1896 when the magic lantern was brought into the town for people to watch.

The award ceremony, initiated by the priests and elders of the church, evoked a sense of pride, memory and love for the Aweloye, who was present at the ceremony and he paid glowing tributes to the memory of his grandfather in the establishment of the early church.

He saluted the courage of the foundation members, most importantly Mrs. Lucricia Fayose, popularly called Yeye Lukiri (1877-1976), who risked her life with others under a very harsh and hostile environment. Oba Aweloye II recalled the establishment of St. Mark’s Primary School, Ise-Ekiti, in the first decade of the 20th Century, as “a watershed in the history of educational development and civilisation in the community.”

He mentioned how the love between Ise-Ekiti and Emure-Ekiti in 1958 culminated in the establishment of a grammar school. The Oba also mentioned the relationship with the three major crown heads in Ekiti, the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti, Ajero of Ijero-Ekiti and the Arinjale of Ise-Ekiti.

 These were the three towns that received the torch of Christianity in those early years. The Oba likened Ise-Ekiti to Israel, which was chosen as the “peculiar treasure of God.”

Amongst those who were given awards of distinction in the town were the first Post Master, Pa John Ogunleye, and the first university graduate in 1951 and parliamentarian, Babalola Olokesusi, who encouraged parents to enroll their children in secondary schools.

Olokesusi was potrayed in the book, Ise-Ekiti, A Cradle of Honour, written by Prof. L.B. Kolawole in 2003, as the man who changed the educational landscape of Ise-Ekiti by the way he also encouraged the kids from the town to enroll in his schools – Academy Secondary School, Sapele, and Holy Trinity School, Sabongida Ora, where he was principal at various times.

His boys in the town were known as “Olokesusi boys.” Interestingly, the town recalled at the recent event that his boys were the ones who emerged as professors, technocrats, administrators and great achievers from the town over the years.

Sadly, the principal died at the age of 38 but his footprints were remembered and honoured at the event.

• From a ceremony, which was to mark 120 years of Christianity in the town, the anniversary became a huge event to celebrate foremost indigenes and reminisce on old times.

Venerable J.O. Adeyemo, the Archdeacon of the church, who was happy with the turnout of the event, said that he was elated that he received massive support from everyone. According to him, the idea of celebrating 120 years struck him because when the church clocked 100, it was not marked.

The Most Reverend Dr. S.A. Abe, Archbishop of Ondo and Bishop of Ekiti (Anglican Communion), expressed delight that the impact of Christianity has spread to other sectors such as education, health and social amenities in the town. The General Secretary of the Anniversary Committee, Joseph Olatunji Falana, said it took a year to plan the glorious event that touched all facets of the Ise-Ekiti life.

Special guests at the event included the governors of Ekiti State and then former Governor of Ondo State, Dr. Kayode Fayemi and Dr. Olusegun Mimiko; Chief Afe Babalola, Niyi Akintola, Wole Olanipekun, and Benedict Ajayi. Twenty-four people were given posthumous awards, including Rev. Charles Jemiriye, who was head of the church at inception.

 ORIKI ISE-EKITI

ISE -EKITI- Omo Akin je'Efon. Omo a gbure Agudugbu s'oju odi k'ari j'Efon Use ya yan. Ugbo kan mo'sii si kan si d'Use, a mo foo oun le iijugbo Aje a l'Use. Adabalukosi lo ba loriigi l'oja Odo, kan p'ugba Ode jo. Oni mo tita libe, o ta ogun ifon. A ri mo tita libe, o t'oji akofa. Ugbogbo kukuruku la gbogi l'oja odo, k'Adabalukosi fo lo, Emi omo ogidan,o gun mo gara, Omo at'eran mo ta'ho.

SOURCE:

1. http://naijasky.com/iseorun/235/ise-ekiti-history/6332/

2.  "Ise/Orun Local Government Area". www.nigeriacongress.org. West African Non-Governmental Organisation Network. 2004. Retrieved 2007-01-11.

community news

THREE INJURED BY HOODLUMS IN IMESI-EKITI 

No fewer than three people had been injured on Wednesday of this week, by some hoodlums in imesi-Ekiti, Gboyin Local government area of Ekiti State.

The incident which happened around 8pm on Wednesday, as group of thugs led by Ojo Sola stabbed three people namely; Oscar,  Mr. Balogun Aderopo, Mrs Omoyungbo and Joseph.

According to an eyewitness, Mrs Omoyungbo said, "my labourer Joseph went with his friend to a nearby shop to purchase some goods to eat, in which they were challenged and beat up by some guys for not gretting them. 

"When I was told about the incident I followed them immediately to the shop in order to settle the dispute. 

"But unfortunately their leader Ojo Sola, popularly known as Alhaji, order them to beat and wound us with sharp object, She explained."

However, Mr. Oscar, who sustained a serious injury during the attacked has been taken to hospital in Ikare-Akoko for treatment

The Nigeria civil defence corps in Imesi-Ekiti, were able to make a quick intervention to arrests their rank leader, Alhaji and handover him to men of Nigeria police force from Ode Police Division headquarter.

THREATS AND CHALLENGES TO NIGERIA DEMOCRACY: THE WAY FORWARD

THREATS AND CHALLENGES TO NIGERIA DEMOCRACY: THE WAY FORWARD 

BY: COMRADE OLAMIDE AKINWUMI 

  INTRODUCTION 

The “petroleum-rich” Nigerian state, confronted by sociopolitical instability, high degree of corruption, mass hostility to the “public,” and poor macroeconomic management, continue to display the attributes of a state in crisis (Akinola, 2008). Successive governments in Nigeria, like in many African states, lack the political will to initiate or sustain policy or structural transformation, or to embark on sound economic reform to reposition the state for greatness (World Bank, 1997). No matter the upsurge of globalization and the prospects of the borderless state, the expectation is for states to take a decisive role in economic transformation, growth, and development and jettison every act that is inimical to improved livelihood as well as socioeconomic and political development of the country. With the weakness of the Nigerian state and its ineffectiveness, it has become challenging to eradicate impoverishment, engage in infrastructural development, and stem the tides of insurgency and terrorism, which have the potency to derail the country’s moderate political development

Across the globe, many countries want to be seen as being democratic. It is a political arrangement that builds or consolidates an egalitarian society with the full participation of all the adult citizens in a free and fair periodic election, with at least two political parties. This has been seamlessly achieved in civilized climes like the USA, UK, France and even Ghana of yesterday. There are several impediments to this noble concept in Nigeria, hence many political analysts are of the view that some countries in Africa are practicing civilian rule which is far away from democracy. Poverty is one of them. A hungry person can mortgage his or her future for a token commonly referred to as stomach infrastructure to do what is inimical to democracy. Some staff of the electoral umpire can declare a loser of an election as a winner after receiving gratification. Security agencies who are supposed to maintain law and order during elections are now ominously partisan. The jumbo pay for the executive and the legislature in Nigeria has dwarfed the benefits of democracy. Poor justice delivery due to compromise on the part of judges leads to the rule of men rather than the rule of law. There can never be democracy without the rule of law. Electoral violence in some African States, because of the desire to have an undue share of the national cake is a serious impediment to democracy. Claude Ake (1996) wondered if the region was democratizing. He noted that politicians are “like mafias, waging a violent struggle for a lucrative turf’’.

This article examines the state of governance in Nigeria and assesses the factors militating against the promotion of public good and effective service delivery in the country. 

BODY:  THE PROBLEMS AFFECTING DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA 

Corruption

Corruption has become a culture in Nigeria such that it now looks strange to condemn it. Many people believe that Nigeria cannot survive without corruption. Some politicians are in office just for the singular aim of stealing. How does one explain a situation whereby elderly politicians are still amassing wealth they don’t need? Does it make sense to the masses to come out to vote in an election that would throw up a cabal of looters? Democracy is supposed to create strong institutions which discourage wastages and profligacy. According to Anyang Nyango (1998) democracy ensures a judicious use of resources.

But the reverse is the case in Nigeria. How has the nation been spending her resources since 1999? Why, in the midst of infrastructural decay, should the nation acquire 11 jets for the presidential fleet? Why should N1billion be budgeted annually for the presidential kitchen? How come that an oil producing nation like Nigeria with four refineries has spent over a trillion Naira to subsidize the importation of fuel while countries not blessed with oil have not spent up to that amount? Why should billions of naira be spent for the renovation of a mere banquet hall? A democratic regime is expected to deliver services to the masses and abolish poverty, but this cannot be achieved if corruption remains a way of life. This clearly underscores the grave consequence of this malaise on the polity. The predatory elite in the political scene has an unhealthy urge for primitive accumulation of wealth and this has been responsible for the dilapidated infrastructure, poverty and poor social services.

 

Partisan Security Agencies and Electoral Umpire

Security agencies are supposed to keep law and order and to remain politically neutral during elections, but here in Nigeria the opposite is the case. There are political officers and men in the Nigerian Military, the Police Force and other security agencies. In most cases, they work for the ruling party. Which work do they do? They give cover to thugs when snatching ballot boxes and other voting materials, they unlawfully arrest and detain opposition party chieftains that can mobilize the voters prior to the election, they intimidate the voters sympathetic to the opposition and stuffing of ballot boxes.  For democracy to germinate, the security agencies must at all times remain politically neutral.

There is no doubt that some officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) are corrupt and partisan. Some actually worked for some candidates. There were bribery allegations against some Resident Electoral Commissioners in almost all the elections. Some INEC officials have been arrested in the past with thumb printed ballot papers. Again, there were allegations of falsifying results after collation. INEC chairman, Prof Atahiru Jega confirmed the presence of corrupt officials who connived with politicians to carry out rigging and other electoral malpractices in the commission and stated that those indicted have been dismissed from the commission (Vanguard Newspapers, June 27, 2013). Until all the partisan and corrupt officials of the electoral umpire are removed from office, credible elections will remain a wild goose chase in Nigeria

Poor Justice Delivery

The Nigerian Judiciary is confused and in disarray. It is only the rich that get justice because they can afford it. While the rich are above the law, the poor are below it. Most of the court verdicts are conflicting. While a man who stole N23 billion from police pension fund was given two years behind bars with the option of a fine of N750,000 by Abuja High Court (Vanguard Newspapers, Jan. 29, 2013), the man who stole a Governor’s GSM phone would spend eight harrowing years in prison without an option of a fine! With money one can obtain frivolous injunctions to truncate or impede the wheel of justice, referred to as black market injunctions by Edo state Governor Oshiomhole. Some injunctions are perpetual, that is, they cannot be vacated.

This is why some high profile criminals such as corrupt state governors and some petroleum subsidy thieves are freely enjoying their loots. But the poor who cannot afford the services of senior advocates of Nigeria are languishing in jail over minor offenses. The law is interpreted and applied in Nigeria based on status differentials. One can now see the level of debauchery into which the judiciary has sunk. This is anathemic to the rule of law and a negation to democracy. As observed by Professor Itse Sagay (1996), the rule of law is democracy and without it there is no democracy.

The senior lawyers in Nigeria (SANs) are not helping matters. I used to see them as role models, people with working conscience. Due to the morbid thirst for wealth they can appear in court to defend the undefendable. Why should a senior advocate wear a wig and go to court to defend a terrorist that kidnapped and raped married women and later collected ransom before releasing them? Why should a senior lawyer put on his robe to defend a man who embezzled funds meant for pensioners who have served their fatherland? Is it morally right to benefit from the proceeds of crime? Why are the senior lawyers struggling to be chosen as defense lawyers for indicted corrupt governors who had subjected their people to unnecessary hardship? I, like many Nigerians, am wondering if the judiciary is really interested in the fight against corruption and terrorism.

High Cost of Governance: Jumbo Pay for Legislators and Ministries

One of the cardinal objectives of any serious government is to improve on the living standard of its citizens. This is achieved when capital projects are executed and social amenities are provided. In Nigeria since 1999, the federal and state governments have only improved on the living standard of very few people-the legislators and other appointed public office holders. The Federal Government has not shown interest in the welfare of the common people. If a senator earns over N20 million a month as being reported, then the country is not serious. Ministers are not left out. A former minister was accused of wasting several millions of Naira on bullet proof cars while another was accused of wasting over N10 billion on flights.

As noted earlier, there were 11 jets in the Presidential Air Fleet (PAF) even when British Prime Minister and US President are flying commercial jets. The former president visited Kenya on December 12, 2013 with seven jets during the Independence Anniversary, conveying a large entourage that stunned world leaders. The hotel bills and estacodes can best be imagined (Punch Newspapers, Jan.7th 2014) Why should this happen in a country that pays N18,000 as minimum wage and still fighting on implementation of the new minimum wage: #30000? Many Nigerians became disenchanted as the promise of investing the funds freed up from partial subsidy removal for their benefit was reneged upon by the government. The prodigious and reckless spending of tax payers’ money is unacceptable and it would be a hard sell to convince the masses to make further sacrifices.

The former CBN governor, Sanusi Lamido, had said that 25% of the national budget was gulped by the national assembly. Prof Itse Sagay condemned the Nigeria situation as a breach of public trust, adding that the jumbo pay for the legislators could endanger the nascent democracy. According to him, a senator earns N240 million in salaries and allowances while a member of the House of Representatives earns N204 million per annum. This is far above what obtains in the US and UK (Vanguard Newspapers, July 27, 2010). A Nigerian federal lawmaker even earns more than US president and UK prime minister. This is madness in a country where hospitals, described as mere consulting clinics over 30 years ago by Sanni Abacha, are increasingly becoming abattoirs and other critical infrastructures terribly dilapidated.

The lawmakers are too many for the economy. The ministers in the past regime were also too many. We had two ministers in one ministry and a large retinue of idle special advisers and assistants, making the government unnecessarily bloated. This was why recurrent expenditure had always been higher than the capital expenditure. This cannot be sustained as a result of the dwindling national resources occasioned by drop in oil prices. We don’t need a motley crowd in government houses any longer if Nigerians are poised to establish a democracy that guarantees the greatest happiness for the greatest number of people, not a selected few. In a stratified society of misery, poverty, agony, hunger, unemployment, comatose social amenities, democracy cannot survive. 

Poverty and Illiteracy/Electoral Violence

The challenges of poverty and illiteracy to Nigeria democracy cannot be over-emphasized. 80% of the population is poor and uneducated. The hungry and uninformed people are easily bought over by irresponsible politicians with ill-gotten wealth. This makes it difficult for good people to win election as we play money politics. Again, thugs are easily recruited from among the poor and uneducated to cause electoral violence. Can a renegade politician recruit the son of a successful businessman as a thug? There is no doubt that an educated person can vote against his conscience because of little sum of money. How many well-informed people show interest in voting? This contributes to the nation’s poor leadership recruitment process.

Some educated young men who are in the labour market can be easily recruited as thugs during elections. There were many reported cases of electoral violence in Rivers State in the last general elections. People were killed and several houses burnt. So the issue of job creation is important here. Democracy cannot flourish in a docile society. The electorate must be capable of asking questions, taking their representatives to task, criticizing anti-people policies of the government, asking public officials how the resources are being allocated, making demands on the government. By this, the masses partake in the agenda setting and this is what democracy is all about. When we have a vibrant and well informed electorate, job opportunity, the problem of electoral violence will disappear and democracy will become everybody’s bride.

Insecurity

Insecurity is unarguably the greatest threat to Nigeria nascent democracy. In the southern part of Nigeria, there is the menace of kidnapping for ransom and armed robbery. Several lives have been lost in the process. In the northern part of the country, there is the problem of a mindless sect, Boko Haram! that has wasted several lives and destroyed property worth billions of Naira. This group defies logic: what is it fighting for? The members of the group are just killing, raping women and girls and destroying houses. 

Insecurity is capable of shaking the corporate existence of our nation. A serious challenge of the 5th republic is how to completely annihilate the sect. Apart from the sect, there are other ethnic militias in other parts of the country. The group in the South-South Region, Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), uses economic sabotage to draw government attention to its demand for infrastructural development of the region. The group in the South-East,

Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), wants Independence for the region while its counterpart in the South-West, Odua People Congress (OPC), is mainly concerned with ethnic jingoism. The problem of insecurity must be addressed holistically by the new administration if the democracy must stay.

Poor Supply of Electricity and Petroleum Products

Electricity and fuel are very essential commodities in Nigeria and as such should never have been left in the hands of those that cannot make them available to the masses. Recently the country was locked down for some days because there was no power as well as fuel. Communication firms closed shops, banks were working half day, Television houses were off the air. This is not healthy for democracy as anything could have happened. The privatization of the Power Sector has not yielded dividends. It appears that the new investors, mostly cronies of officials of the immediate past regime, are not ready for business. They are kept afloat with outrageous estimated bills and the unholy electricity fixed charges paid by Nigerians for staying in darkness.

An important commodity such as fuel should not be left in the hands of profiteers like the oil marketers. Why do we have the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC)? Why is it that petroleum products are imported as if Nigeria never owned refineries? Why should an oil producing nation be importing fuel? A situation whereby oil marketers or an oil workers union like NUPENG could hold the entire country to ransom is capable of jeopardizing the nascent democracy.

Cross Carpeting and Impeachment

Many politicians in Nigeria are greedy and as such they always want to remain in power at all cost and coupled with the lack of ideological orientation, they see nothing wrong in defecting to other political parties that offer them the opportunity to stand for election. They defect from their parties to the ruling party at the centre. The recent wave of cross carpeting from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is a good example. Several politicians, used to the spoils of office, defected from PDP to APC as soon as the latter was declared as the winner of the presidential election (Guardian Newspapers, April 10, 2015).

Democracy can only be strengthened if there is a vibrant and credible opposition. But if members of an opposition party defect to the ruling party in droves, the country will gravitate towards a one-party state which is even worse than military regime. Without opposition, there can never be good governance because the ruling party can misbehave without fear of being unseated in the next election. What is democracy without good governance? The stability and good governance being experienced in the US, UK, France and other countries are as a result of vibrant, serious and purposeful opposition parties with strong ideological orientation. Political parties in Nigeria must imitate the political parties in the US and UK.

SOLUTION, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

Quality by accountability

Elected politicians should remain accountable to those they are elected to serve. If Nigerian politicians knew that retaining their position was based on their actual performance, there would be a greater incentive for effective behaviour and to remain accountable to the people. That level of accountability would also reduce the chances of poor-performing politicians getting re-elected.

Every citizen must therefore hold public officials accountable – this is not a role reserved for the few. The media, civil society groups and the public should play a critical role in public disclosures about politicians’ performance through their own engagements and investigation.

The race towards improving accountability and good governance begins now, and the power is in the people’s hands. The focus should be on encouraging the election of candidates who are trustworthy, competent and committed to serving in the public’s interest, building the Nigeria its citizens and young people hope to see

- The head of the electoral body be allowed to appoint his commissioners and also be given the power to discipline any of them that commits infractions. This would enable him to pick trusted Nigerians that will not bring shame to the electoral body.

- Even though the government has no business in business, essential services should not be in the hands of greedy profiteers. So the federal government must urgently review the privatization of the power sector with a view to revoking the licenses of investors that are not ready for business and ascertaining the real owners of the distribution companies. The fraudulent and ungodly electricity fixed charge be abolished immediately. The NNPC be overhauled to refine enough fuel for local consumption and the fuel subsidy be abolished. This will prevent a situation whereby the nation could be held to ransom by a cabal of oil marketers/importers.

- A single term of five years be adopted for the president and the governors to ensure a level playing field for all politicians.

- The salaries and allowances of public office holders be drastically reviewed downward for the benefit of the masses from whom political power is derived.

- The appointments of all the service chiefs be tenured so that they won’t play partisan politics to keep their jobs.

References:

1. Ake C. Is Africa Democratising? Centre for Advanced Social Scence, Lagos, 1996.

2. Anyang Nyango, Political Instability and the Prospects of Democracy in Africa. Africa Development, Vol X111, No 1, 1998.

AAUA Student Bags NYSC Presidential Award.

By: olamide Akinwumi

Miss Igwe Victoria Ebubechukwu, a graduate of Mass Communication from Adekunle Ajasin University Akungba Akoko Ondo state, has received the Presidential Award at the just concluded National Youth Service Corps President Award held in Abuja.

Miss Victoria Ebubechukwu, who is a bachelor degree holder in Arts hails from Ika-North East Local Government Area of Delta State

She was recognized based on her exemplary conduct, hardwork and passion for educational development in her host community.

However, Dr. Lamidi Ishola, a senior lecturer in the department of Mass Communication Adekunle Ajasin University, in his words described, Miss Victoria Ebubechukwu, as a well behaved and brilliant students during and after her undergraduate days.

According to him, " her outstanding performance during her Students Industrial Training Scheme (SIWES), at Cool FM, Lagos State, offered her an automatic employment, he explained."

politics

IS NIGERIA PRACTISING DEMOCRACY SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT OR PSEUDO-DEMOCRACY SYSTEM?

By: Olamide Akinwumi

After gaining independence in 1960 from Great Britain, Nigeria fell prey to civil war and the first of so many military coups in 1966. Democracy was briefly restored from 1979 to 1983 to the country, but for most of its independent history, Nigeria was ruled by a series of military juntas. The last major military ruler, Gen. Sani Abacha, died suddenly in 1998. His successor, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar promised a transition to democracy, and accordingly a new constitution was adopted on May 5th, 1999. Elections

Democracy ought to refer to ‘government of the people, by the people and for the people. By this simple definition, a layman can easily comprehend the meaning of the meaning of this. A system of government whereby people or citizens of a country elect a government by themselves to protect and assist them in realizing their life dreams and expectations. But can we say we are practising this in Nigeria?

Democracy in Nigeria has since changed to the government of the politicians, by the politicians and for the politicians only. Just look around you and see. There is no manifestation of democracy on the faces of the masses, the have-nots, the down trodden, the masses despite the noises about democracy and its invincible dividends, they are still wallowing in abject poverty, squalor, hunger, disease, underemployment, and other nefarious man-made problems. How else can one explain the bloated salaries allotted to the high ranking public officers and the servants are being owed many months of pay despite the meagre amount?

Even the educated ones among the masses, graduates of various fields of ten to twenty years in service aren’t even enjoying the dividend of the so called democracy. This is because the salaries of the so called educated man are struggling to meet up with the demands of the society. Majority of government facilities enjoyed by the masses such as portable drinking water, electricity, good health care system, free education etc. are all a story of the past. The common man has even become his own government, providing power, security, water and so on by himself.

From 1999, since the civilians took over governance under a democratic arrangement, we have suffered progressive deterioration of not only the country’s infrastructural network, practically all our institutions critical to socio-political and democratic advancement have collapsed. Even governance itself is grinding to a halt.

What is evident beyond any dispute is that most politicians, especially of the ruling elite have no positive idea what democracy is about, and it is debatable whether they have any clear cut plan for moving the nation forward. If our experience thus far is the benchmark, then we won’t be wrong to say that for the current breed of politicians in power, democracy is a government of the privileged few for the benefit of themselves, their families and their friends. The democracy we practice here at this point in time is one that fosters the most despicable level of corruption ever known in Nigeria since independence. It is choking the life out of majority of Nigerians.

Therefore, as far as an ordinary Nigerians are concerned, democracy is not for them, but for the politicians and their cronies. The masses are yet reap any dividend if ever there is any, of their democracy. What the masses are expecting to see is genuine, real and concrete improvement in their standard of living, and not fleet of foreign flash luxury cars, mansions and paraphernalia. We are tired of empty promises, rhetoric propaganda and long grammar. We need to see action, real action and not deception. Let the masses see the dividend of democracy on ground; we want to see it with our naked eyes, not on paper or on TV screen.

It is high time we stop living in a world of illusion, deception, hypocrisy or hide and seek game. We should face reality and stop deceiving ourselves. The world is changing very fast, some smaller counties, less endowed than Nigeria have gone far in terms of human development. Some countries are going nuclear, while we are still backsliding.

This is a plea to Nigerian politicians to emulate honest leaders like Tafawa Balewa, Dr. Nnamdi Azikwe, Gen. Muritala Mohammed, and the likes who are all of blessed memory. All these people did not accumulate billions at the expense of the masses. They did not acquire or pile fleet of expensive cars while majority of the people (electorates) are suffering in silence. Our present political leaders should remember that they are not going to stay in this brief world over hundreds years. All of us in one way or the other will leave this world, whether we like it or not and definitely account for our deeds. It will be too late to cry when the head is cut off.

Okay, Nigeria clearly is not in tandem with the tenets of democracy, check the last EIU report on democracy and you will come to realize that Nigeria practices what is at best termed: “pseudo-democracy”.

Haven said that, for me that’s not even the discuss we should be having. The key converse here is: Is Democracy working for Africa? Is Democracy working for Nigeria? Do we need to sit down, design a form of government that can deliver the sort of social, economic and political growth and development that we sort and begin to practice it? Is it only Democracy that functions in other developed societies?

Japan is a highly structured and developed economy (in fact the third largest economy in the world) does not practice Democracy. Singapore, Malaysia, Hong Kong have made giant strides since 1960 till date and are highly industrialized. Do they practice democracy? Who says democracy can work for Africa. Is there any African nation where Democracy works and they are making significant progress? Don’t even mention South Africa, because it is not even making progress. Its GDP for instance is on a slide, there is high unemployment rate (over 20%), there is high crime rate, there is high HIV prevalence, and so on). Ghana is certainly not making significant progress, with inflation rate skyrocketing of recent, North Africa have been forced to embrace Democracy and since then, its been chaos upon chaos, wars here and there, which has continue to spiral to other nations (butterfly effect), with weapons finding its way into the wrong hands…

Our socio-cultural diversity makes democracy a difficult form of government for our continent, the bitter truth is: IT CAN’T WORK FOR AFRICA, not now, not in the near future. Perhaps, in further future.

There are stages in the life of a nation, just as there are stages in the life of a human being. When a nation is still at cradle stage, it certainly cannot adopt democracy to function or grow, just as a child cannot be left to choose just whatever he/ she wants. As the child develops and grows, then it begins to have some level of independence to choose and at adulthood, it can completely choose for itself. A nation must also be seen this way.

Third world nations must adopt a different form of government from Democracy at this crawling stage, when giant strides of development take place, then and only then, can such grown and educated populace begin to adopt democracy as a form of government. The nations where democracy works are made up of highly educated populace who mostly understand what leadership means and what is best for them and certainly practice almost similar form of religion (with a clear majority religion to add to that).

Third world nations are made up of highly uneducated populace, who do not understand leadership, and who do not know what is best for them (or do know but choose to turn blind eye to it) and highly diversified ethnicity and religion. (Even North Africa that is dominated by Islam cannot survive democracy, there Elder Brother Saudi Arabia does not practice democracy, yet peaceful, yet the United States is their friend and do not intend/ plan to force democracy on them). Just for information purpose, Saudi Arabia is now the largest importer of Arms and ammunition, the largest spender: spending over $10 billion for their defense. That is a working nation: without democracy.

It is high time, Nigerian youths began to have such discuss as: Can Democracy even work for us? If not, then what system can we design and adopt? Or is it that we are so dumb as to not be able to think and design our own functional form of government? During our best years between 1960-66, 1970-1979, when we were net-exporters, when naira was stronger than dollars, what form of government did we practice? Was it this pseudo-democracy or regional form of government. If we can’t go back to regional form of government, then do we follow Singaporean model with a tweak, or what? Let’s think, the world only stands up for those that THINK. Democracy or pseudo-democracy that we currently practice can simply NOT work for Nigeria.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS VIEW AND OPINION ON DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT IJ NIGERIA

DEMOCRATIC DISAPPOINTMENT

With such a low dividend on democracy, and with ‘democracy’ being so costly and toxic to the body politic, it is no surprise that many Nigerians have begun to question their loyalty to the received wisdom that democracy is superior to its alternatives.

For many Nigerians and Africans democracy has failed. It has failed to live up to its publicised benefits – tangible and intangible. So glaring is this failure and so painful are the betrayals of Africa’s ‘democrats’ that ten thousand Nigeriens recently poured into the streets of Niamey to rally in support of the new military regime there. Westerners may be scrambling to comprehend this dramatic reversal of public opinion from a craving for a democratic overthrow of a military dictatorship eleven years ago to an enthusiastic embrace of a military overthrow of a ‘democratic’ regime today. But this is something that people in neighboring Nigeria can explain and understand. The exuberant Nigeriens at the rally were not expressing a preference for military autocracy. They were voicing their disillusionment with a failed democracy.

Nigeria’s democratic setbacks may not yet entitle us to reject democracy altogether or to be receptive to military rule. But we are at a crossroads, and if we continue with this charade, a Niger-like scenario of democratic disillusionment may be in the horizon. We cannot continue along this path: Abusing democracy, invoking it to legitimize all that is abhorrent but neglecting to fulfil its utilitarian promises to Nigerians.

America and the rest of the West have the luxury of evaluating democracy from a purely idealistic standpoint. They can afford the long wait necessary for democracy to register – the gestation period needed for democracy’s more visible benefits to trickle down and permeate society. They can comfortably absorb the overhead cost of democracy and the financial and political burdens of partisan gridlock. Their economy is big enough to soak up the imperfections and dysfunctions of democracy – which are many. Their political system is decentralized enough to withstand partisan and procedural impasse at the centre. Not Nigeria and Nigerians.

Our perception of democracy is a purely utilitarian one. Americans obsess intellectually about what democracy means; Nigerians ask what it can deliver to them. Nigerians evaluate democratic practice not in abstract or futuristic terms but in terms of its immediate benefits to their lives. Democracy will only be as popular as the results it delivers for Nigerians. Nigerians want democracy to deliver quantifiable gratifications, and they cannot wait too long for these. Eleven years is long enough.

It is not the fault of Nigerians either. The rhetoric of democratic advocacy in the military era made glib, enticing connections between Nigerians’ economic plight and the lack of democracy in their country. The suggestion was clear: Democracy brings development and improved living. Nigerians’ expectation of democracy rests on this promise. It is time they began to see some of the promised returns. If they don’t, they have a right to question the assumed connection between democracy and development and to become disillusioned.

It is unrealistic to expect that in a developmentally-challenged country where poverty is an inescapable companion, citizens would perceive democratic governance from a non-materialist perspective. Their needs are starkly material, so are their expectations from democracy. Nigerians should not be expected to muster the idealism and patience required for a long-drawn process of democratic maturity when their bellies are empty.

WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?

There is no innate or sacred loyalty to democracy in Nigerians – or, for that matter, in any other people. The degree of Nigerians’ attachment to the concept corresponds to the benefits that they see it delivering or the damage it is doing to their lives. This is why democracy is suffering setbacks across Africa.

So what’s the alternative to a broken, dangerous democracy? It’s not so simple. Dambisa Moyo, the Oxford-educated Zambian author of Dead Aid, offers one of the most eloquent critiques of democratic practice in Africa. Democracy –multiparty democracy – prevents timely action that may be the difference between a life-saving economic initiative and life-taking inaction, gridlock, or disaster. Democracy fosters costly ethno-partisan impasses that stifle development and productive economic change. She climaxes her critique by prescribing ‘benevolent dictatorships’ as the practical model for Africa. At least dictatorships get things done – if they want to, and are capable of pushing needed reforms through without the costly and time-consuming observance of democratic rules and processes. The procedural red tape of democracy is an enemy of development, she argues.

It’s hard to disagree with Moyo’s critique of democracy in Africa. But it’s hard to sympathize with her prescription because benevolence and dictatorships rarely co-exist in Africa, or anywhere, and it takes a naive mind to assume that they could. Nonetheless, she deserves commendation for going against the grain of universal democratic orthodoxy – the unquestioned dogma that democracy can simply be transplanted to Africa in its Western form with its stifling multiparty squabbles, expensive electoral rituals, and costly, divisive deliberative quagmires.

Here is the bottom line: This democracy is fatally broken. We are headed for an implosion if we fail to do something. Ikheloa may be hyperbolic in his characterization, but the disenchantment with democracy and its many failures is real. We ignore this reality at our collective peril.

Events in the last few weeks have underlined the anxieties that underpin this reflection on democracy. Yar’Adua’s sneaky re-entry into the country and the gale of confusion and scramble that it unleashed exposed the fragility and shallowness of our democracy.

The debate over the succession crisis devolved quickly and predictably into familiar North-South brickbats. The nation truly screeched to a frightening halt; a tepid shove would have taken us over the cliff.

So, again, much as we are inclined to defer the discussion and to toe the politically correct line of advancing democracy as its own cure, we are frequently being confronted with political crises that threaten the very foundation of the union. The question is: What is democracy worth if the way we practice it imperils our country and its people and widens the crevices that divide us? Would we rather preserve a pretentious democracy and lose the nation?

WHAT ARE THE CHOICES BEFORE NIGERIA?

Earlier, I introduced Dambisa Moyo’s prescription of ‘benevolent dictatorship.’ It’s not a new idea. It’s been around since the 1960s. It used to be called developmental dictatorship. The poster country of that model today is China. But China is China and Nigeria is Nigeria.

Because of Nigeria’s history of military rule and because of the strong elite unanimity in opposing non-representative political templates, this model would only heighten our crisis of governance and stifle development. In other words, it would be a dictatorship but it would be anything but developmental. Even if the contraption were possible in practice, its deficits would wipe out its benefits.

How about military rule? I have found that most Nigerians do not share the irreconcilable hostility of the schooled elite to military rule. Much of this hostility is founded on abstract, theoretical objections, not on crude or even enlightened interests. Most Nigerians are more pragmatic. They would prefer an effective military regime that consciously improves their lives to a ‘democratic’ regime that is preoccupied with a systematic violation of their lives and rights.

Nigerians are not the only ones who entertain episodic fantasies about the virtues of decisive autocracies during moments of democratic disappointments and stalemates. Even the Americans occasionally bemoan the problems of democracy and its elevation of bickering above action. Frustrated that some of his agendas were stuck in the traffic of congressional partisanship, former President George W. Bush famously remarked that ‘a dictatorship would be a heck of a lot easier.’ He was joking, of course. But he was also expressing a genuine frustration at the slow pace of democracy – at the roadblocks that democratic rules and procedures place in the way of policy, initiative, and problem-solving. The frustrations of democracy are more intense, more burdensome, and more consequential in Nigeria than they are in America.

Nigeria’s intellectual and political elites are fond of saying that the worst democratic regime is better than the best military regime. This is at best elitist, out-of-touch rhetoric, a talking point of pro-democracy advocacy. Most Nigerians would reject this proposition outright. The poor, anguished farmer in my village who desires the positive physical presence of government in his life and community would disagree with it. So would the slum-dwelling day labourer in Kurmin Gwari, Kaduna. He would gladly accept a performing government of any stripe.

This is, of course, a false choice scenario. Most Nigerians would prefer the ideal: A democratic government that is also an effective governing machine, a prudent, fair, and humane allocator of resources. In the absence of the ideal however they would settle for a regime – any regime – that gives them the roads, schools, water, healthcare, electricity, and food security they crave.

A critique of democracy is not an endorsement of military rule. It need not be. The enlightened segments of Nigerian society are firm in their agreement that democracy is inherently better than military rule. Since these segments, not the brutalised and desperate masses, are the drivers of political paradigm shifts we can take the military rule option off the table.

But that does not mean that we have to engage in the fatalism of accepting the invidious, ‘democratic’ status quo. It means that we have to craft something in its place.

For starters, why can’t we modify this unwieldy American presidential system that is undermining our people and our country? Even the Americans, with all their wealth and strong institutions, are complaining about the financial cost (transaction cost, to use a chic political science jargon) of their democracy and its divisive, do-nothing hyper-partisan gridlocks. Our gridlocks are more costly because they are not just partisan; they are complicated by our ethno-religious and regional fissures.

Why do we need to have two legislative, money-guzzling legislative chambers instead of one lean, inexpensive one? Why, in the name of all that is good, do we have three senators from each state when we could have just one and spend a fraction of what we do now to maintain them and get them to actually work and earn their pay? The Americans that we ape have two senators representing each state, not three.

Many African cultures are authoritarian in nature. The figure of the big man who sits atop the political food chain with magisterial command, taking care of his subjects’ needs but demanding total subservience from them, is very seductive. When the American executive power system and this preexisting cultural reality converge you end up with the kind of vulgar abuses of power we are seeing from our executive office holders across the country. We don’t need a system that intensifies our authoritarian cultural disposition. We need a system that attenuates it. Such as a parliamentary system or any other arrangement that approximates its virtues.

These are just a few examples of how we can reform and customize our democratic practice to fit our peculiar needs, problems, and pocket. The choice is not between military rule and the unsustainable status quo.

Abuja will understandably oppose reforms that will reduce executive power and its abuse, shrink the stealing field, and expand the pool of resources available for developing the lives of Nigerians. Already, its answer to the problem of dwindling developmental revenue (caused by excessive democracy expenses and corruption) is to inflict more taxes and levies on Nigeria’s economically beleaguered middle and lower classes.

This is a welcome blunder. It should backfire with a positive outcome. With taxation comes the clamor for accountability, hostility to government recklessness, and demands for effective representation. With taxation comes citizen vigilance.

Maybe the failures of this democracy and Abuja’s frantic reaction to them will fertilize the ground for corrective action and for the installation of a true, concrete democracy.

Hon. Bunmi Tunji Ojo (Bto): A Rock Which Cannot Be Pulled Down.

Alas, it was recorded and accounted in the scripture that Israelites had decades suffering from the trauma of the giant and hefty Philistine man called Goliath, the tireless intimidations which obviously wrecked havoc to the teemed populace of Israel until the Lord delivered them through the young man called David. (1 Samuel 1:17).

However, the famous scriptural account could be attributed to the current saga in NDDC which has generated global discourse in recent time, having the saint BTO as the chairman of the committee.

Apart from the salient fact that BTO stands distinguished and truthfully reserved amongst the equal, it should also be a known fact to all and sundry that his appointment as the Chairman of the commission was a divine arrangement which no man born of human could Stand against or else he or she should be ready to face the full wrath of God as happened to the adamant Biblical Goliath of old.

We are confidence to say that no amount of intimidation, threat, deceit, conspiracy, whatsoever from anyone could afford our hard earned integrity. 

Normalize speaking to people in a way that if they die the next day you'd be satisfied with the last thing for you said to them.

We stand for the truth and we shall continue to allow the truth to prevail in the commission as we remain THE ROCK WHICH CANNOT BE PULLED DOWN by anyone.

In united will stand, divided will fall.

PCEYF LAUDS EKITI STATE GOVERNMENT EFFORT, TOWARDS FIGHTING COVID-19.

The Progressive Coalition of Ekiti Youth Forum, has lauded the effort of the state Governor, DR John Kayode Fayemi, for his unrentless service towards the curb of the COVID-19 pandemic in the state.

In a statement made available by leadership of the  Association; Mr. Adebomi Adeniyi, Mr. Amodu Abiola, Akinwumi Olamide, to journalist in Ado Ekiti, Ekiti state capital On Sunday.

According to the release,  His Excellency, Governor of Ekiti State, Dr. John  Kayode Fayemi, has perform wonderfully in curbing the spreading of the COVID-19 pandemic virus in the state. 

Below are what the Association lauds the governor for'

His Excellency,  Dr. John  Kayode Fayemi, Executive Governor of Ekiti State has adopted some proactive measures to combat the coronavirus pandemic Which was in line with the advised given by the World Health Organisation that each political entity should not boast that the virus cannot pay a visit but that arrangements must be made to attack a first (index) case.

Firstly, Gov. Fayemi, has been able to set up a 40 – person Ekiti State Task Force on Covid-19 under his direct leadership with representatives from all relevant sectors including Medical experts, State and Local Government officials, Legislature, Religious bodies, Traditional institutions, NURTW, Market associations,CSOs and Development Partners.

Also, Personal Protective Equipment for health workers will be provided for all public health facilities in the state. 

Also, the Governor has provided a Well trained medical personnel and well equipped health workers will be available at all public health facilities in the 16 LGAs of Ekiti. 

The taskforce has charge with the responsibility to Commence an extensive community sensitization by health educators across towns and villages in all the 16 LGAs in Ekiti State. 

Also,  Ekiti State has conducted a vulnerability map of all land borders and major motor parks leading into Ekiti State and measure will be put in place to screen inward bound passengers from heavy inflow areas first at motor parks of departure and at border towns. Ekiti State will work with the NURTW to maintain passenger manifests for fast traceability if the need arises. 

Further more, the state government has Activate on the mass public awareness on all radio and TV stations in Ekiti State to educate, enlighten and correct rumours and misinformation on the threat of the virus. 

In addition, In line with National Centre for Disease Control (NCDC),Ekiti State Government have designated an isolation centre in the state to quarantine and /or treatment if necessary. Ekiti is also affiliated to a network of NCDC testing labs for fast evaluation of samples.

Ekiti State Government has set up a 24/7 Emergency Operation Centre to coordinate its response to the virus . Dedicated hotlines have been made available to the public to call of they suspect infection.

 The National Emergency Number 112 is also active in Ekiti State. Citizens can call in free of charge to report any emergency.

However, The Progressive Coalition of Ekiti Youth Forum,  Urged the state governor, Dr. Kayode Fayemi,  to made provisions for foods and drugs  for the people of Ekiti state as well as adequate payment of the salaries of the civil servant in the state as there i'll be total lockdown of the state as from march  30-april 13th 2020

The Association also,  advised  the citizens of the state  not to panic but adhere strictly to safety precautions against the global pandemic.

Signed; The Leadership of Progressive Coalition of Ekiti Youth Forum 

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